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Human Rights Report

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Preface

In his second inaugural address, President Bush renewed America’s commitment to stand for freedom and human dignity throughout the world:

America’s vital interests and our deepest beliefs are now one. From the day of our founding, we have proclaimed that every man and woman on this earth has rights, and dignity, and matchless value, because they bear the image of the maker of heaven and earth. Across the generations we have proclaimed the imperative of self-government, because no one is fit to be a master, and no one deserves to be a slave. Advancing these ideals is the mission that created our nation. It is the honorable achievement of our fathers. Now it is the urgent requirement of our nation’s security, and the calling of our time.

So it is the policy of the United States to seek and support the growth of democratic movements and institutions in every nation and culture, with the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our world.

The Country Reports on Human Rights Practices provide a key framework that the United States and others around the world use in assessing the state of human freedom and in marshalling efforts to advance it. The conscientious compiling of these reports equips us to more effectively stand against oppression and for human dignity and liberty. Our embassies and Washington staff work closely with local citizens, human rights and other organizations, and community leaders to identify, investigate, and verify information. These volumes, available in the languages of most of the world’s peoples, foster discussion, promote advocacy, permit the measurement of progress, and show where improvements are needed.

Over the last 12 months, we have worked closely with the international community to enable citizens in countries such as Guatemala, Indonesia, Ghana, Ukraine, and Afghanistan to make their votes truly count in selecting their governments. This fundamental right to effective suffrage opens the door for advancing a wide range of other rights, as the records in these countries have already begun to show.

This 28th edition of our Country Reports turns our spotlight on 196 countries, ranging from the stoutest defenders to the worst violators of human dignity. We take seriously our responsibility to report as accurately, as sensitively, and as carefully as possible the information in these reports.

The information contained in this report allows us to construct strategies for promoting freedom and individual liberty. In the coming month we will report on the specific steps we have taken over the past year to support human rights and democracy.

Mindful of the diligent effort and widespread cooperation both within and outside the Department that has gone into preparing these reports, I am pleased to transmit the Department of State’s Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2004 to the U.S. Congress.
Condoleezza Rice, Secretary of State

Introduction

On September 17, 2002, President Bush presented a new National Security Strategy for the United States based on the principle that promoting political and economic freedom and respect for human dignity will build a safer and better world. To guide and focus the national effort that had grown out of the war on terrorism, the strategy outlined a series of fundamental tasks which, among others, required our Government to champion aspirations for human rights and build democracy. In his second inaugural address on January 20, 2005, President Bush elaborated on that principle: "The survival of liberty in our land depends on the success of liberty in other lands. The best hope for peace in our world is the expansion of freedom in all the world."

The United States and its international partners worked with many countries during 2004 to expand freedom by helping to protect the political rights of their citizens and to advance the rule of law in their societies. In a few cases, where concerns centered on the rights of the people to choose their own governments, dramatic developments focused global attention on their struggles and landmark achievements.

In the past three years since the removal of the Taliban regime, the people of Afghanistan have worked to diminish terrorism and improve security; to bridge traditional ethnic, religious, and tribal divides; to craft a new constitution faithful to their values and way of life; to extend fundamental rights to women and minorities; and to open their society to unprecedented political competition and freedom of expression. The international community responded to this undertaking by helping to register voters across a geographically scattered, largely illiterate population; by educating cadres of Afghan election workers and political participants in the conduct of elections and campaigns and by joining with Afghan forces to provide security during pre-election preparations and during the actual voting. In the presidential election, which took place in October, 18 candidates vied for the votes of the 10 million registered Afghans, more than 40 percent of whom were women. Despite threats and attacks before the vote and serious technical challenges, more than 8 million Afghans--including more than 3.2 million women--cast ballots to chose their leader in a truly democratic election for the first time, with a majority selecting President Hamid Karzai.

In Ukraine, the presidential election campaign was marred by government pressure on opposition candidates and by widespread violations and fraud during the voting. The Kuchma government engaged in fraud and manipulation during the presidential election in both the first and second round of voting on October 31 and November 21. The Government censored media outlets and journalists to influence news coverage, which sparked the so-called "journalist rebellion" among reporters who refused to follow government directives. Eventually, popular demonstrations against the official results of the flawed November 21 vote gradually swelled into an "Orange Revolution," the campaign color associated with opposition leader Viktor Yushchenko, who was widely believed to have won the election.

Respect for human rights in Ukraine took a decided turn for the better when, on December 3, the country’s Supreme Court invalidated the runoff election as fraudulent, vindicating the observations of many domestic and international monitors about numerous violations of electoral procedures, harassment of opposition candidates, heavily biased coverage in government-controlled media, and widespread voting and counting fraud. In the court-mandated repeat election on December 26, the people of Ukraine selected their new President. International observers of that vote, won by Yushchenko, noted the improvements in media coverage, increase in transparency of the voting process, decrease in government pressure to support a particular candidate, and fewer disruptions at the polls. The new President expressed a strong commitment to democracy, the rule of law, and observance of human rights.

In Iraq, people faced a series of difficult tasks as they prepared to choose their own leader through democratic elections, while the severity and ubiquity of terrorist attacks expanded the dimensions of the challenges. First, the Iraqi Governing Council achieved consensus on a framework for the transition of sovereignty back to Iraqi authorities under the aegis of the rule of law and clearly defined procedures by which Iraq’s citizens would be able to choose their own authorities and construct their own constitutional order. In March, the approval of the Transitional Administrative Law (TAL) achieved these objectives and paved the way for the second step, the transition of sovereignty from the Coalition Provisional Authority to the Iraqi Interim Government (IIG) on June 28.

Working with the assistance of the United Nations and other international advisors, the IIG established the Independent Electoral Commission of Iraq, an independent election authority that established procedures for registration of and voting by Iraqis and expatriates in 14 other countries. On August 15 - 18, the National Conference convened and elected a 100-member Interim National Council. Elections for the Transitional National Assembly, the country's legislative authority and the first step in the formation of an Iraqi Transitional Government, were scheduled to take place on January 30, 2005. According to the TAL, the transitional government will draft a permanent constitution that is to be ratified by August 2005, and new elections are to be held for a permanent government under that Constitution by December 2005.

We believe events like these elections will increase the prospects for peace, provide a solid grounding for self-government in these countries and help create momentum for the improvement of human rights practices for all people participating in them. Yet progress along this path will not be easy or rapid, at least at first, as the 196 detailed reports in this volume amply demonstrate. In a number of cases, these reports will show that human rights practices may actually have eroded despite the successful completion of internationally accepted elections, as has occurred in some respects with the judiciary and the media since the voting that took place last year in Venezuela.

It was in part the recognition of the complexity and difficulty of the task of promoting human rights that led Congress in 1977 to institutionalize the Department of State’s process of compiling these annual Country Reports on Human Rights Practices. By providing this compendium of witness to the global human rights experience, we hope that the record of this work in progress will help illuminate both future tasks and the potential for greater cooperation in advancing the aspirations of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

The Year in Review: Democracy, Human Rights and Labor

Behind the detail of 196 country reports contained in the pages that follow, the developments and experiences in certain countries stand out due not only to the intensity of the human rights problems but also to our involvement with the victims and their governments during 2004.

The Government of Sudan’s human rights record remained extremely poor as it continued to restrict freedom of speech, press, assembly, association, religion and movement. It arrested and harassed those who exercised these rights.

At year's end, there were more than 1.5 million Internally Displaced Person (IDPs) in the Sudanese Province of Darfur, and another 200,000 civilians had fled into Chad, where the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) coordinated a massive refugee relief effort. Approximately 70,000 people reportedly died as a result of the violence and forced displacement.

Despite the Government's repeated commitments to refrain from further violence in Darfur, the atrocities continued. Government and government-supported militias known as the Jinjaweed routinely attacked civilian villages. Typically, the Jinjaweed, often in concert with regular government forces, conducted attacks under cover of military aerial support. In September, after carefully reviewing a detailed study conducted by independent experts covering the experience of more than 1,100 refugees, Secretary of State Colin Powell concluded that genocide had been committed against the people of Darfur, saying that "Genocide has been committed in Darfur and that the Government of Sudan and Jinjaweed bear responsibility and that genocide may still be occurring."

Government forces in that region routinely killed, injured, and displaced civilians, and destroyed clinics and dwellings intentionally during offensive operations. There were confirmed reports that government-supported militia also intentionally attacked civilians, looted their possessions, and destroyed their villages.

At the same time, year-end developments in negotiations related to the North-South conflict provided hope for peace and improvement of human rights practices in other areas of Sudan. By year's end, the State Department saw significant movement on the preliminary accords between the Government and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement Army after 21 years of low intensity conflict.

In response to the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s (North Korea) continued brutal and repressive treatment of its people, the United States Congress enacted the North Korea Human Rights Act of 2004. The Act seeks to address the serious human rights situation in North Korea and to promote durable solutions for North Korean refugees, transparency in provision of humanitarian assistance, a free flow of information, and a peaceful reunification on the Korean peninsula.

In Belarus, police abuse and occasional torture of prisoners and detainees continued. The security forces arbitrarily arrested and detained citizens for political reasons; in addition, individuals were sued and sentenced to jail terms for such political crimes as "defamation" of state officials, often interpreted to include criticism of their policies. The Government of Belarus persisted in discounting credible reports regarding the role of government officials in the long-term disappearances of a journalist and well-known opposition political figures and failed to conduct full, transparent investigations into these disappearances. Instead, the Government appointed Viktor Sheiman, linked to disappearances by credible evidence in a Council of Europe report, as Head of the Presidential Administration, thus perpetuating a climate of abuse with impunity.

In Burma, the Junta ruled by decree and was not bound by any constitutional provisions providing any fundamental rights. Security forces carried out extrajudicial killings. In addition, disappearances continued, and security forces raped, tortured, beat, and otherwise abused prisoners and detainees. Arbitrary arrests and incommunicado detention were frequent. Security forces also regularly infringed on citizens' privacy, forcibly relocated populations, and conscripted child soldiers.

The Government of Iran was responsible for numerous killings during the year, including executions following trials that lacked due process. There were numerous reports that security forces tortured prisoners and detainees. Additionally, there were arbitrary arrests, extended incommunicado detention, poor and overcrowded prisons, lack of access to counsel, punishment by the lash, and violation of personal privacy.

China’s cooperation and progress on human rights during 2004 was disappointing. China failed to fulfill many of the commitments it made at the 2002 U.S.-China Human Rights Dialogue. However, at the end of the year, working level discussions on human rights, which had been suspended when the U.S. supported a resolution on China’s human rights practices at the U.N. Commission on Human Rights (UNCHR), were resumed. During 2004, the government continued to arrest and detain activists, such as individuals discussing freely on the Internet, defense lawyers advocating on behalf of dissidents and the dispossessed, activists arguing for HIV/AIDs issues, journalists reporting on SARS, intellectuals expressing political views, persons attending house churches, and workers protesting for their rights. Abuses continued in Chinese prisons. The Government continued its crackdown against the Falun Gong spiritual movement, and tens of thousands of practitioners remained incarcerated in prisons, extrajudicial reeducation-through-labor camps, and psychiatric facilities. The National People’s Congress amended the Constitution to include protection of human rights, yet it is unclear to what extent the Government plans to implement this amendment.

In Saudi Arabia, there were positive developments in a few areas, including a government-sponsored conference on women’s rights and obligations and the formation of the first formal human rights organization permitted in the Kingdom. In October, the Government issued an executive by-law entitling some long-term residents to apply for citizenship, and by year's end, voter and candidate registration, albeit only for men, was well advanced for municipal elections scheduled for February 2005.

The record of human rights abuses and violations for Saudi Arabia, however, still far exceeds the advances. There were credible reports of torture and abuse of prisoners by security forces, arbitrary arrests, and incommunicado detentions. The religious police continued to intimidate, abuse, and detain citizens and foreigners. Most trials were closed, and defendants usually appeared before judges without legal counsel. Security forces arrested and detained reformers. The Government continued to restrict freedoms of speech and press, assembly, association and movement, and there were reports that the Government infringed on individuals’ privacy rights. Violence and discrimination against women, violence against children, discrimination against ethnic and religious minorities, and strict limitations on worker rights continued.

In contrast to developments in a number of countries that increased direct citizen control over government authorities, in Russia changes in parliamentary election laws and a shift to the appointment, instead of election, of regional governors further strengthened the power of the executive branch. Greater restrictions on the media, a compliant Duma (Parliament), shortcomings in recent national elections, law enforcement corruption, and political pressure on the judiciary also raised concerns about the erosion of government accountability. Racially motivated violence and discrimination increased, despite considerable legislative prohibitions. Authorities failed to investigate actions against minorities while subjecting them to more frequent document checks, targeting them for deportation from urban centers, and fining them in excess of permissible penalties or detaining them more frequently. Government institutions intended to protect human rights were relatively weak.

The Government of Zimbabwe has conducted a concerted campaign of violence, repression, and intimidation. This campaign has been marked by disregard for human rights, the rule of law, and the welfare of Zimbabwe's citizens. Torture by various methods is used against political opponents and human rights advocates. War veterans, youth brigades, and police officers act with sustained brutality against political enemies. The Mugabe regime has also targeted other institutions of government, including the judiciary and police. Judges have been harassed into submission or resignation, replaced by Mugabe’s cronies. The news media have been restricted and suppressed, with offending journalists arrested and beaten. Land seizures continue to be used as a tool for political and social oppression, and opponents of these destructive policies are subject to violent reprisals.

Respect for human rights remained poor in Venezuela during 2004, despite the Government victory in an August referendum to recall President Chavez. Opponents charged that the process was fraudulent, but Organization of American States (OAS) and Carter Center observers found that the official results "reflected the will of the electorate." Throughout the year, the Government increased its control over the judicial system and its interference in the administration of justice. Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) were subject to threats and intimidation by government supporters. In December, the legislature passed laws that erode freedom of the media, freedom of speech, and which in effect make criticism of the government a criminal offense. The U.S. Government sanctioned the Venezuelan Government for continuing to fall short in efforts to combat trafficking in persons.

Fidel Castro added another year to his record as the longest serving dictator in the world. The Government retained its stance of rejection of all democratic processes and continued its harassment and intimidation of pro-democracy activists, dissidents, journalists and other professionals and workers seeking to undertake economic activities not controlled by the state. The majority of the 75 dissidents sentenced to long jail terms in 2003 remained incarcerated despite international protests, and the authorities arrested 22 additional human rights activists and sentenced them for acts such as "contempt for authority." Addressing abuses in Cuba continued to be a priority for the United States as a member of the UNCHR.

During its 2004 session, the UNCHR formally adopted a U.S.-sponsored resolution on Cuba, as well as resolutions on Turkmenistan, North Korea and Belarus for the second year in a row. A resolution on Burma was approved by consensus. With such member countries as Zimbabwe, Cuba, Sudan, and China, which fail to protect their own citizens’ rights, the 2004 session of the UNCHR fell short in several respects. The Commission failed to adopt resolutions on the human rights situations in China, Zimbabwe and Chechnya. The United States continued to emphasize the need to improve the functioning of the Commission, especially by supporting the inclusion of more countries with positive human rights records.

The United States believes that democratically elected governments are more likely to respect their citizens’ human rights. For this reason, the United States collaborated with other participating countries of the Community of Democracies (CD), a network of democratic countries working together to promote, solidify, and advance democracy throughout the world. In 2004, the U.S. joined other CD countries to help launch the formation of a democracy caucus, a group of like-minded countries that coordinates more closely in the UNCHR and other UN settings to advance goals consistent with democratic values. At the UNCHR, the United States - jointly with Peru, Romania and East Timor - introduced and succeeded in having adopted a resolution to enhance the UN’s role in promoting democracy. Among the resolution’s recommendations is a call for the establishment of a mechanism - a "Focal Point" - within the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, dedicated to helping new and emerging democracies access UN resources available to support them.

In addition to its support for the creation of the UN democracy caucus, the CD sought to support the development of democratic institutions and values through projects linking democratic countries. It sent a multinational delegation of democracy practitioners to East Timor to share best practices with Timorese officials. Likewise, a group of Iraqi, election-related officials traveled from Iraq to Lithuania to observe and learn about election processes. Unifying democratic voices against violations of basic human rights--rights that have been codified in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and that that were reaffirmed in the CD's Warsaw Declaration and Seoul Plan of Action--is an essential way to maintain pressure on governments that deny and violate the rights of their own citizens.

Institutional changes:

In Qatar, the process of constitutional change continued with the Emir's approval of the draft of a new constitution that voters overwhelmingly had approved in 2003. Although the Emir’s family will maintain hereditary rule, the new constitution, expected to be enacted in June 2005, contains a number of human rights provisions.

In Pakistan, President Musharraf continued as Chief of the Army Staff, despite his promise to step down by year's end.

In Africa, the Central African Republic (CAR) enacted a new constitution and took a number of other steps to further an announced transition to democracy under President Bozize, who seized power in a March 2003 coup. In Guinea-Bissau, following a military coup in September 2003, the military installed a civilian government. In both cases, the stabilization of post-coup situations has been accompanied by a decline in the number of reported violations of human rights.

Turkey’s desire to meet the EU Copenhagen Criteria to begin the accession process moved the Government to pass an important package of reforms, including a new, relatively more liberal penal code and a set of constitutional amendments to combat honor killings and torture; expand the freedom of religion, expression, and association; and reduce the role of the military in government. However, implementation of these reforms lagged. Security forces continued to commit numerous abuses, including torture, beatings, and arbitrary arrest and detention, although observers noted a decrease in such practices and the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture reported that local authorities were making efforts to comply with the Government's "zero tolerance" policy on torture. Honor killings continued. The Government relaxed some restrictions on the use of Kurdish and other languages, but restrictions on free speech and the press remained.

The year witnessed increasing efforts by some governments to fight corruption. Costa Rica was the most ambitious in actually investigating former high-level officials, as it launched separate investigations for misuse of funds, kickbacks, and illegal contracts by three former presidents. In Africa, anti-corruption campaigns focused on pecuniary as well as human rights abuses by officials. Gambian President Jammeh’s campaign centered on curbing official corruption to restore international credibility, and the work of the Commission of Inquiry led to the dismissal of a number of top officials and some prosecutions for economic crimes. Kenya created an anti-corruption czar, and the Government opened a number of investigations into allegations of extrajudicial killings. In Zambia, a Police Complaints Authority instituted in 2003 to combat police misconduct continued investigations into complaints.

Political rights:

Regrettably, with the exception of Georgia and Ukraine, political developments in Eurasia remain a serious concern. Progress continues to be measured largely in terms of civil society development. More and more NGOs, opposition parties, and citizens are willing to organize and advocate for government accountability. In Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, opposition parties are unable to register. At the same time, governments of the regions are drawing the wrong lessons from Ukraine and Georgia and attempt to stifle civil society by harassing democracy NGOs through bureaucratic obstacles and specious legal means.

In Georgia, the progress that international observers noted in last January’s presidential election set the stage for "the most democratic elections in Georgia’s history" in parliamentary voting in March. Other governments in the region have made some limited progress in improving electoral processes by drafting new election codes. New election laws introduced in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan are an improvement in some areas, but in all three countries, the laws continue to fall short of international standards. Likewise, elections in 2004 in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan marked limited improvements over previous ones, but domestic and international observers raised questions about voting irregularities, abuse or harassment of opposition candidates, or limitations on equal access to the media.

In Belarus, the Government continued to deny citizens the right to change their government through a democratic political process. A seriously flawed referendum on October 17 removed constitutional term limits on the presidency. In advance of the referendum and the equally flawed parliamentary elections held simultaneously, the Government suspended independent newspapers and disqualified many parliamentary candidates. The Government used excessive force and in some cases beat and arrested political leaders who peacefully protested electoral fraud and the journalists covering the protests. During the year, the Government also shut down a number of major registered NGOs that focused on political rights, and state security authorities increasingly harassed those that remained.

In October, Bosnia and Herzegovina held its first self-administered municipal elections since the signing of the Dayton Peace Accords. The elections were judged to meet international democratic standards.

A notably high voter turnout in a series of three elections in Indonesia paved the way for the transition in political power there from a defeated incumbent to an elected opposition leader. The process also marked the defeat of military and police candidates who stood for seats in Parliament.

In noteworthy elections in Africa, the incumbent political parties of Ghana and Mozambique gained re-election in processes that were judged generally free and fair. Sierra Leone held its first local government elections in 32 years, although there were irregularities in some areas.

In Burundi, concern focused on the delay in holding elections and the progress of the country’s transition to democracy. The Transitional Government failed to hold the local and national elections that are stipulated by the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement, and at the end of the year it also delayed indefinitely a referendum on a draft constitution. The Maoist insurgency and the deadlock among Nepal’s political parties also prevented the holding of elections there during the year and helped deepen the country’s political crisis.

In Rwanda, greatly circumscribed political rights were further limited when leading human rights organizations were either shut down or effectively dismantled. The action was justified as part of a campaign against "divisionism," according to a government report that accused human rights groups, journalists, teachers, and churches of promoting an "ideology of genocide."

The Iranian Government’s respect for the freedom and political participation of its citizens continued to deteriorate. Elections that were widely perceived as neither free nor fair were held for the 290-seat Majlis (Parliament) in February. The conservative, cleric-dominated Guardian Council excluded virtually all reformist candidates, including 85 incumbent members of parliament. Reasons cited included not showing "demonstrated obedience" to the current system of government. As a result of the seriously-flawed elections, reformers were reduced to a small minority of the parliament. Meanwhile, the conservative backlash against reformist trends and parties continues.

Internal and other conflicts:

The Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Sierra Leone completed public hearings in which approximately 10,000 citizens participated to air grievances as victims or provide confessions from the civil war. The Commission suggested legal, political and administrative reforms to the Government. The Government also released numerous children who had fought as child soldiers. By year’s end, the UN Mission to Sierra Leone (UNAMSIL) had handed over responsibility countrywide to the Sierra Leone Armed Forces and the Sierra Leone Police, as UNAMSIL began preparations to withdraw by June 2005 as stipulated by its Security Council mandate.

After being elected in a runoff at the end of 2003, Guatemalan President Oscar Berger "re-launched" the 1996 Peace Accords as a national agenda and symbolically apologized to citizens on behalf of the State for human rights violations committed during that country’s protracted civil war. The Government also reduced the size of the military, eliminated some major commands and units and reduced the military budget. In August, the military made public a new doctrine, which includes provisions on the importance of protecting human rights.

As a result of negotiations throughout the year, the Government of Colombia demobilized approximately 3,000 fighters from the paramilitary United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) in November and December. In addition, hundreds of municipal officials returned to their towns after the government established a permanent police presence in every urban center in the country. As a result, rates for homicides, kidnappings, and other violent crimes decreased.

In Haiti, domestic conflict continued throughout the year. The political impasse, combined with increasing violence between pro- and anti-Aristide factions, culminated on February 29, when President Aristide submitted his resignation and left the country. Despite the presence of UN peacekeeping forces, the constitutionally-established Interim Government remained weak. In September, pro-Aristide partisans in Port-au-Prince launched a campaign of destabilization and violence known as "Operation Baghdad." This campaign included kidnapping, decapitation and burning of police officers and civilians, indiscriminate shootings, and the destruction and incineration of public and private property. The violence prevented the normal functioning of schools, public markets, the seaport, and the justice system in Port-au-Prince for several weeks.

A series of conflicts continued to trouble South Asia. In Jammu and Kashmir and the northeastern states of India, violence continued, and security forces committed abuses with impunity, killing civilians and not just armed combatants. In Sri Lanka, both the Government and the terrorist organization, Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, violated the ceasefire. In Nepal, the disappearance of persons in custody remained a very serious problem, and government security forces continued to have broad authority to arrest and detain individuals suspected of sympathizing with the Maoist insurgents. Security forces also used arbitrary and unlawful lethal force. As the Maoist insurgency continued, rebel militants tortured civilians, while government agents forcibly conscripted children as soldiers and conducted bombings that killed civilians.

The Great Lakes region of central Africa, which encompasses the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Rwanda, Burundi and Uganda, has been plagued by civil war, large-scale interethnic violence, and massive human rights abuses associated with them for well over a decade due to the continuing presence of armed groups and militia that move between the countries. These groups compete with one another for strategic and natural resources and inhabit an environment of shifting alliances. Among the most worrisome groups in the eastern Congo are those who took sanctuary in the region after the 1994 Rwandan genocide. This same group continues to oppose the Government of Rwanda and launch cross-border campaigns, as well as attack civilians in the DRC and commit numerous other abuses. There are also armed groups in the region who oppose the governments and peace process in Uganda and Burundi.

While prospects for peace in the Great Lakes region are promising, human rights abuses are almost routine. Children are the primary victims and are forcefully recruited, abducted, and turned into soldiers, although some of the governments have made progress in demobilizing child soldiers in their ranks. Some militia groups are predominantly comprised of children. Women and girls are particularly vulnerable, as rape increasingly is used as a weapon of war. The region is a home to approximately five million of the world's 25 million internally displaced persons and hosts a number of refugees. The United States is actively pursuing talks between the DRC, Uganda and Rwanda. We continue to monitor the situation in all the countries in the region by focusing attention on the threat posed by armed groups.

In Cote d’Ivoire, an attack on the rebel positions and an air strike on French peacekeeping troops in November broke the tenuous 18-month ceasefire between the Government and rebels. Despite the embargo and threat of sanctions, the Government has threatened to pursue a military solution to the conflict. President Bush determined that Cote d’Ivoire, once one of the United States’ largest trading partners in the region through the Africa Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), was ineligible for AGOA this year due to concerns about the security situation and the general decline in the rule of law that make it a hostile place for foreign investment.

In Russia, the September attack on a school in Beslan in North Osettia and the ongoing disappearances of civilians detained by security forces underscored the extent to which both sides in the expanding conflict in the North Caucasus continue to demonstrate little respect for basic human rights. There were credible reports of serious violations, including politically motivated disappearances and unlawful killings, by both the government and Chechen rebels. Individuals seeking accountability for these abuses also continued to be targeted, and Chechen rebels continued to attack Russian civilians, including a bombing of a Moscow subway.

Integrity of the person:

After years of controversy, the Chilean Supreme Court upheld an appeals court decision to lift the judicial immunity of former President Augusto Pinochet. On December 13, a prosecuting judge indicted Pinochet for crimes committed as part of "Operation Condor" during the 1970s.

In Central African Republic as the process of transition to civilian rule continued, the government disbanded the Security Investigation Division, a military intelligence unit that was accused of committing numerous human rights abuses, including torture, rape and extortion, during 2003. In December 2003, President Bozize reconvened the permanent military tribunal after an eight-year suspension. The tribunal considered cases on a variety of alleged human rights abuses including extrajudicial killings, rape and armed robbery.

North Korea remains one of the world’s most repressive and brutal regimes. An estimated 150,000-200,000 persons are believed to be political prisoners in detention camps in remote areas, and defectors report that many prisoners have died from torture, starvation, disease, exposure, or a combination of causes. The regime also subjects citizens to rigid controls over many aspects of their lives.

In Egypt, the 1981 Emergency Law, extended in February 2003 for an additional 3 years, restricted many basic rights. The security forces continued to mistreat and torture prisoners, which resulted in at least 10 reported deaths in custody at police stations or prisons during the year. Arbitrary arrest and detention and prolonged pretrial detention remained serious problems. Dismal prison conditions persisted.

Widespread use of torture by the Government of Syria resulted in at least 8 deaths during the year. Arbitrary arrest and detention, prolonged pre-trial detention without trial, fundamentally unfair trials in the security courts, and deteriorating prison conditions all persisted. Throughout the year, the security services conducted mass arrests of Kurds in Hassakeh province, Aleppo, Damascus, and other areas. On March 12, security forces in Qamishli, in the northeastern Hassakeh province, opened fire on a crowd at a soccer match after clashes between Arab and Kurdish fans erupted. In the days of rioting that followed, dozens were killed, as many as 2,000 Kurds were detained, and nearly 300 Kurds remained in custody and were awaiting trial before the State Security Court and Military Court at year’s end. The Government also continued to withhold information on the welfare and whereabouts of persons who have been held incommunicado for years.

In Uzbekistan, torture was routine in prisons, pretrial facilities, and local police and security service precincts, and members of the security forces responsible for documented abuses were rarely punished. However, the government took some notable steps to address torture and establish police accountability. It created preliminary procedures within some divisions of the Ministry of Internal Affairs for investigating and disciplining officers for human rights abuses and allowed NGO access to its prisons and to train prison guards in human rights practices. The Government also cooperated with international forensic experts to take part in investigations of deaths in custody in which torture had been alleged.

Freedom of the press:

A conservative backlash to democratic demands in Iran extended into a number of areas beyond explicit questions of political rights. For example, the investigation into the 2003 death of a Canadian/Iranian photographer who suffered a brain hemorrhage after sustaining injuries while in an Iranian prison stagnated during 2004. The Government also gradually suppressed all independent domestic media outlets and arrested or intimidated their journalists into silence. In 2004 the last forum for free debate, weblogs, came under pressure when the government began arresting their creators and forcing them to sign false confessions.

The increase in government pressure and control of media in Russia continued to weaken freedom of expression and independence of the media there, as a trend of increasing control and harassment of the press was noted in a number of Eurasian countries, especially Belarus and some countries in Central Asia. The Russian approach centered on use of controlling ownership of broadcast media to limit access to information on sensitive issues, such as Chechnya. Government pressure also increased self-censorship of journalists.

In Togo, after the Government undertook formal political consultations with the European Union, it adopted a new press code with mixed results. It eliminated prison sentences for most journalistic offenses, but maintained them for inciting certain actions, such as ethnic hatred or violation of the law, as well as for publishing under a false name. The law also sets standards of professionalism for journalists and requires independent newspapers to ensure that at least one third of their staff meet the Government’s standards.

While Algeria experienced its first contested democratic election in 2004, leading to the reelection of President Bouteflika, the Government acted to increase restrictions on the media. The use of defamation laws and government harassment of the press significantly increased, leading to the imprisonment of several journalists for terms from two to 24 months, closure or suspension of two newspapers, and more self-censorship by the press.

In Venezuela, international organizations and domestic journalists charged the government with encouraging a climate of hostility toward the media. Administrative acts, combined with a new law passed in December, created a climate of hostility toward the independent media with increasing threats of prosecution.

Freedom of religion:

These issues are discussed in depth in the Annual Report on International Religious Freedom, released in September 2004, while these Country Reports further highlight and update important developments.

The International Religious Freedom Act requires that those countries that engage in particularly severe violations of religious freedom be designated as Countries of Particular Concern (CPC). In September 2004, the Secretary of State re-designated Burma, China, Iran, North Korea, and Sudan as CPCs, and designated for the first time Eritrea, Saudi Arabia, and Vietnam.

With the cessation of government-sponsored violations of religious freedom under Saddam Hussein, the Secretary acted to remove Iraq’s CPC designation in June 2004. Since the liberation of Iraq by coalition forces, there have been no governmental impediments to religious freedom, and the Iraqi Transitional Administrative Law provides for "freedom of thought, conscience, and religious belief and practice."

The Government of Saudi Arabia's actions in the area of religious freedom were disappointing. Throughout 2004, senior U.S. officials engaged Saudi authorities in an intense discussion of religious practices, and in September, the Secretary of State designated Saudi Arabia as a "Country of Particular Concern" under the International Religious Freedom Act for particularly severe violations of religious freedom. The Government rigidly mandates religious conformity. Non-Wahabi Sunni Muslims, as well as Shia and Sufi Muslims, face discrimination and sometimes severe restrictions on the practice of their faith. A number of leaders from these traditions have been arrested and imprisoned. The government prohibits public non-Muslim religious activities. Non-Muslim worshippers risk arrest, imprisonment, torture, or deportation for engaging in religious activities that attract official attention. There were frequent instances in which mosque preachers, whose salaries are paid by the government, used violent language against non-Sunni Muslims and other religions in their sermons.

Vietnam continued to restrict freedom of religion and the operation of religious organizations other than those approved by the State. The Government failed to issue a nationwide decree banning forced renunciations of faith, did not end the physical abuse of religious believers, continued to hold a significant number of religious prisoners, and although it permitted the re-opening of some churches closed in the Central Highlands in 2001, it refused to allow the re-opening and registration of hundreds of others. However, following CPC designation, some improvements in religious freedom were evident. Some religious leaders expressed cautious optimism about a new Ordinance on Religion that the Government released in November, and in December, the Evangelical Church of Vietnam North (ECVN) held its first National Congress in 20 years and named a new, independent leadership board.

Among the gains in freedom of religion covered by the Country Reports, the Jehovah’s Witnesses in Armenia succeeded in October to register with the government after they had experienced a string of rejected applications. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, a new state-level law on religious freedom passed both houses of the legislature. The law provides comprehensive rights to religious communities and confers a legal status upon them they had not held previously. And in Georgia, there were fewer reports of violence against minority religious groups this year.

Treatment of minorities, women and children:

On December 30, the Department of State completed its Report on Global Anti-Semitism, July 1, 2003-December 15, 2004. Drawing extensively on material from our embassies, NGOs and accounts submitted for these Country Reports, this separate compendium was prepared in accordance with a separate legislative provision.

In the Czech and Slovak Republics, discrimination against Roma persisted, although both governments made efforts to improve the situation through such measures as revising legal norms and recruiting Roma to serve as community liaisons with the police forces or as health assistants.

In Croatia, the restitution of property to mostly Serb refugees has improved significantly, although local obstruction to the return of minority groups remained a problem. In Kosovo, acts of violence against the minority Kosovo Serb population and other non-Serb minorities took place during a series of riots over two days in March, demonstrating the continued tenuousness of minority rights there.

In Thailand, the government’s human rights record was marred by abuses committed by security forces against Muslim dissidents in the southern part of the country. On April 28, elements of the police and military killed more than 100 persons while repelling attacks by Muslim separatists in Yala, Pattani, and Narathiwat provinces. On October 25, 78 Muslim detainees being transported to an army camp died from asphyxiation after police and military forces stacked them into overcrowded truck beds.

In Afghanistan and Iraq, women made unprecedented strides in exercising political rights by voting, holding public office and standing for election as candidates. In education and other areas as well, women made increasing strides in achieving basic rights. In Pakistan, special women’s police stations with all female staff have been established in response to complaints of custodial abuse of women. Additionally, while honor killings continued in Pakistan, new legislation stiffened penalties for honor killings and criminal proceedings for the blasphemy laws and Hudood ordinances were changed to reduce abuses.

In a number of countries, one of the most significant problems related to the abuse of women and children is the failure of the state to combat vigorously against conditions that engender the trafficking of women and children.

In Burma, women and girls from villages were trafficked for prostitution at truck stops, fishing villages, border towns, and mining and military camps. Burmese men, women and children are also trafficked to other countries. Government economic mismanagement and forced labor policies worsen the situation.

In the United Arab Emirates (UAE), women and girls are used as prostitutes and domestic servants, and young boys are exploited as camel jockeys. A recent documentary on camel jockeys notes the very young age at which abuse often begins, the harsh conditions that may lead to serious injuries or death, and the malnutrition, and physical and sexual abuse by employers. The Government has pledged and taken some measures of limited effectiveness against these practices.

State promotion of tourism drives the predatory interests that promote sex tourism and sexual exploitation of underage girls for prostitution in Cuba.

The booming oil sector in Equatorial Guinea contributes to making the country both a transit point and destination for trafficking of women for prostitution.

The estimates of the number of Indians trafficked into forced labor and the sex trade runs into the millions, in addition to thousands of Nepalis and Bangladeshis trafficked to India for sexual servitude. Trafficking in persons in India is a significant problem, and some government officials participated in and facilitated the practice. While India continues to lack a national law enforcement response to its trafficking in persons problem, some progress has been noted in individual states and the central government recently expressed a commitment to establishing and implementing a national anti-trafficking policy.

Violence and discrimination towards vulnerable groups continued to be a problem in Tanzania. In August, the semi-autonomous island of Zanzibar outlawed homosexuality and set severe penalties in its autonomous island territory. On mainland Tanzania, 4 million women and girls have undergone female genital mutilation (FGM), and despite a law partially outlawing the practice, police rarely enforced the law and the average age of the practice appeared to have decreased in an effort to avoid detection.

Worker rights:

In Iraq, the exercise of labor rights remained limited, largely due to violence, unemployment, and maladapted labor organizational structures and laws, although, with international assistance, some progress was underway at year’s end. According to the Brussels-based International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU), workers reported organizing unions in workplaces where they were forbidden under the laws of the former regime and revitalized union structures previously dominated by the Ba’ath party. The International Labor Organization (ILO) provided technical assistance to Iraq throughout the year to help bring its labor laws into line with international labor standards, rebuild the capacity of the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs, establish emergency employment services, and put in place training and skills development programs.

In April, a Commission of Inquiry appointed under Article 26 of the ILO Constitution visited Belarus to investigate a complaint that the Government was systematically violating its obligations under the ILO’s fundamental Conventions on freedom of association and protection of the right to organize and bargain collectively, both of which it has ratified. The Commission’s report, issued in October, concluded that the country’s trade union movement was subject to significant government interference. The Commission recommended that the government take all necessary steps to register independent unions, amend laws and decrees restricting freedom of association, protect independent trade unionists from anti-union discrimination, and disseminate the Commission’s conclusions and recommendations. It stated that most of these recommendations should be implemented by June 2005 at the latest.

Under the leadership of President Bush the United States has stepped forward with its democratic allies to reaffirm our commitment to human rights and democracy. We rest upon the principle that nations governed by free people will be the cornerstone for the development of a world that is more peaceful for all. The execution of our democratic duty depends on the determination and passion of its promoters. Let the following Country Reports serve as an indicator of the progress made and as a guide for the challenges ahead.

Romania

Romania is a constitutional democracy with a multiparty, bicameral parliamentary system, a prime minister who is the head of government, and a president who is the head of state. Traian Basescu was elected President on December 12 in elections characterized by irregularities, but which were judged generally free and fair. At year's end, Basescu appointed center-right a Liberal-Democratic (PNL-PD) Alliance leader, Calin Popescu-Tariceanu, as Prime Minister to lead a new government composed primarily of the PNL-PD, the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania (UDMR), and the Romanian Humanist Party (PUR). This followed four years of government led by Social Democratic Party (PSD) Prime Minister Adrian Nastase and President Ion Iliescu. The Constitution provides for an independent judiciary; however, in practice, the judiciary remained subject to political influence. Widespread corruption remained a problem,although the Government took initial, but only partial, steps to address the problem.

The National Police are primarily responsible for law enforcement, the Gendarmerie for preserving public order, and the Border Police for maintaining border security. The Ministry of Administration and Interior (MOAI) supervises these organizations. The military has primary responsibility for protection against external threats. An internal intelligence service assesses threats to national security but has no law enforcement powers. Civilian authorities maintained effective control of security and intelligence organizations, although some concerns were expressed regarding the possible misuse of intelligence agencies for political purposes. Some members of security forces committed serious human rights abuses.

Romania is a developing country in transition from a centrally planned to a market economy with a population of approximately 21.7 million. Economic activity was primarily in the manufacturing, agriculture, services, and energy sectors. For the year, the economy grew approximately 8 percent, and the inflation rate was 9.3 percent. Average monthly gross salaries rose by 23.6 percent as compared to the same period in 2003.

The Government generally respected the human rights of its citizens; however, there were problems in some areas. Police officers sometimes beat detainees and reportedly harassed and used excessive force against Roma. While some progress was made in reforming the police, cases of inhuman and degrading treatment continued to be reported. Investigations of police abuses generally were lengthy and inconclusive, rarely resulting in prosecution or punishment. While civilian courts had jurisdiction over National Police abuses, abuses by other security forces remained in the military court system, where procedures were unnecessarily lengthy and often inconclusive. Prison conditions remained harsh and overcrowding was a serious problem; however, conditions improved somewhat. At times, authorities violated the prohibition against arbitrary arrest and detention.

Government action and inaction at times restricted freedom of speech and of the press. During the year, there was a pattern of intimidation, harassment, and violence against journalists who wrote critical reports on government activities or government and ruling party officials. Religious minorities complained of discriminatory treatment by authorities. Societal harassment of religious and sexual minorities, violence and discrimination against women, and restitution of property confiscated during the Communist regime remained problems. There were large numbers of impoverished homeless children in major cities. Trafficking in women and girls for the purpose of prostitution was a problem that the Government increasingly took steps to address. Discrimination and instances of societal violence against Roma continued. Child labor abuses continued. There were reports of government interference in trade union activity.

RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:

a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life

There were no politically motivated killings by the Government or its agents; however, there was one possible extrajudicial killing. In May, police shot and killed unarmed 31-year-old Nicusor Serban in Jegalia (Calarasi County) when he refused to stop after a police warning. Police were attempting to detain Serban on rape accusations. At year's end, the case was under continuing investigation by the police authority and the prosecutor's office of Calarasi County.

In December, outgoing President Ion Iliescu pardoned former miners' leader Miron Cozma, who was sentenced in 1999 to 18 years in prison for leading 1991 riots that led to the deaths of at least three persons and the wounding of many others. Widespread public opposition prompted Iliescu to rescind Cozma's pardon. Upon Iliescu's decision, authorities took Cozma into custody again and also booked him on separate charges.

In the past, police used excessive force that led to the deaths of citizens. Police authorities eventually decided that police officers were not responsible for the killing of prisoner Mihai Iorga, although an autopsy established that trustees and police officers beat him to death in 2002.

The nongovernmental organization (NGO) Roma Center for Social Intervention and Studies (Romani CRISS) continued to investigate the 2002 death of Nelu Balasoiu, a Romani man who was found dead in Jilava prison near Bucharest. In March, Balasoiu's family, Romani CRISS, and another NGO, the Association for Defending Human Rights in Romania-Helsinki Committee (APADOR-CH), appealed the December 2003 decision of the prosecutor's office not to open an investigation of the police officers involved in the case because the Balasoiu death had allegedly been due to health reasons. In June, a court of appeal in Craiova sent the file to the prosecutor's office for further investigation.

In October 2003, the Supreme Court gave 10-year prison sentences to two former agents of the disbanded security service for the 1985 beating death of dissident Gheorghe Ursu.

b. Disappearance

There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.

c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment

The Constitution prohibits such practices; however, there were credible reports that police beat detainees and used excessive force. Human rights organizations have cited numerous reports of police torture and mistreatment.

The law allows the use of firearms against persons fleeing arrest. In January, Bucharest police shot and wounded 22-year-old Marius Silviu Mitran after he failed to obey a police officer's order to stop his vehicle after committing a traffic infraction. Human rights organizations concluded that Mitran was injured due to the careless use of weapons in violation of the law. The case was under investigation by the Bucharest Prosecutor's Office at year's end.

In March, police from the Bucharest 14th precinct and members of the rapid intervention police squad allegedly physically assaulted a 15-year-old bystander, Cristian Bujor, who was passing by an incident between the police and a group of taxi drivers. The minor was hospitalized for only a day and a half, and the family suspected his early discharge was due to police pressure. The case was under investigation by the Bucharest Prosecutor's Office at the end of the year.

In June, a policeman allegedly physically assaulted a 12-year-old boy in Fetesti for having allegedly vandalized his car. Although police showed reluctance to open an investigation into the assault case, eventually the Fetesti Prosecutor's office began an investigation, which was ongoing at year's end.

In August, two members of the Service for Protection and Guard physically assaulted State Secretary on the National Audiovisual Council (CAN) Serban Pretor after forcing his car off the road in an apparent road rage incident. Police again hesitated to start investigations. The head of the local police in Medgidia was dismissed after he made public the identity of the assailants. Following broad media coverage of the case, authorities transferred the two assailants to reserve duty and sent the case to a civil court on the grounds that they were not on duty at the time of the incident. The lawsuit was still in progress at year's end.

Romani NGOs continued to claim that police used excessive force against Roma and subjected them to brutal treatment and harassment. In January, the head of a local police station and three civilians reportedly subjected a Romani couple, Stella and Sofron Varga, to verbal and physical violence in the village of Banisor, Salaj County. According to Romani CRISS, a police officer accosted the couple, who were selling wares with a valid sales permit, and demanded free goods for allowing them to continue their activity. The couple protested, and the situation became violent. After the woman filed a complaint, the Police Inspectorate of Salaj County concluded that the head of the police station was not at fault and that the police should investigate two civilians for their alleged violent actions.

In July, two police and five members of the police Intervention and Special Operations Squad (DIASS) entered the Romani community in the village of Valu lui Traian, Constanta County, and beat community members with clubs during a search for suspects in connection with an altercation between two Romani individuals and a neighbor. Thirteen Roma were injured in the alleged assault. According to Romani CRISS, the mayor threatened to expel the victims from the village if they filed complaints or wrote declarations against the police.

During the year, a county-level Council of Discipline of the Police Inspectorate found a plainclothes officer innocent in the June 2003 beating of Mihai Dumitru during a raid in Tulcea. The MOAI initially acknowledged the officer's guilt and proposed the Council of Discipline punish him according to the Police Officer's Status Law. The prosecutor's office referred the case to court for criminal prosecution, which was still in process at year's end. There were no developments in other cases reported in 2003, including: The physical assault by police on a married Romani couple in Simleul Silvaniei, Salaj County; the physical assault by an intoxicated police officer on 19-year-old Lucian Lacatusu in Parancea, Buzau County; and the alleged June police attack on four Roma from one family.

At year's end, the case of Mugurel Soare, against whom a police officer allegedly used excessive force, and Adrian Georgescu, a gay man who was harassed and subsequently left the country, were still before the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR).

Lesbian and gay rights NGOs complained that police singled out members of this community for violence and harassment and noted that few victims pursued charges due to fear of harassment by the local community and police or the belief that authorities would not carry out unbiased investigations.

Prison conditions remained harsh. There were 43 penal units, including 34 prisons, 6 prison hospitals, and 3 juvenile detention facilities. Overcrowding remained a serious problem, although there was a slight improvement over 2003. As of November, 39,629 persons, including 816 minors, were in prison or juvenile detention facilities, while the legal capacity of the system is 38,856.

Human rights organizations reported that the abuse of prisoners by authorities and other prisoners continued to be a problem. Human rights organizations alleged that the practice of giving certain privileges to an "elected representative" in each cell discriminated against the rest of the prison population. Such organizations also criticized the prison punishment system, stating that it has little positive impact for societal rehabilitation of the inmates. The Government undertook some efforts to alleviate harsh conditions, including partnerships with NGOs on rehabilitation programs for inmates and training courses to deter drug use and the spread of HIV/AIDS and tuberculosis.

In June, 24-year-old Ionut-Cristinel Maftei, who was serving a 5-year term for theft in prison in Iasi, entered a coma and died following a serious head injury received in his cell under unclear circumstances. Suspecting the involvement of the cell supervisor (a prison employee), Maftei's family filed a complaint against him with the Military Prosecutor's Office in Iasi in July.

Due to limited space available in the prison system, detainees awaiting trial were sometimes held in the same facilities as convicted prisoners. Conditions were roughly the same for both (same food, types of cells, etc.), but detainees were usually segregated from the general prison population and enjoyed more frequent access to visitors and generally free access to legal representatives.

Men and women, adults and juveniles, and pretrial detainees and convicted criminals were usually held separately.

In June, Parliament passed two new laws on prisons: One that modernizes the prison term system, and a second, on the status of prison cadres, that requires the demilitarization of prison staff.

The Government permitted prison visits by human rights observers and media representatives. The General Directorate for Penitentiaries reported that there were 7,127 individual or group visits by media and domestic and foreign NGOs to penitentiaries during the year.

d. Arbitrary Arrest or Detention

The Constitution prohibits arbitrary arrest and detention, and the Government generally observed these prohibitions.

The MOAI commands the National Police and the Gendarmerie as well as the Border Police, Alien Authority, National Office for Refugees, General Direction of Information and Internal Protection (classified information management), Special Protection and Intervention Group, and the Special Aviation Unit. The police are organized into the General (i.e., National) Police Inspectorate, the General Police Directorate of Bucharest, 41 county-level police inspectorates, a Directorate of Transportation Police, and 3 educational institutions for the training of policemen. Counties are responsible for police units located within their respective geographic areas.

While the police generally followed the law and internal procedures, corruption was a continuing problem. Low-level corruption, the omnipresent small bribe, was a main cause of citizens' lack of respect for the police and contributed to a corresponding lack of police authority. Extremely low salaries (sometimes not paid on time) contributed to the susceptibility of individual law enforcement officials to bribes.

The Government addressed these problems by increasing training to create a more professional police force and by punishing corruption. During the first half of the year, 96 police (of whom 26 were officers and 70 were agents) were found to have engaged in misconduct, resulting in 197 sanctions (of which 53 were for officers and 144 for agents). At the end of June, 12 police (4 officers and 8 agents) were undergoing criminal prosecution.

In April, the Government enacted a code of ethics for police officers that provides strict rules for the professional conduct of law enforcement. It specifically addresses corruption, use of force, torture, and illegal behavior and requires all law enforcement officers to follow the human rights provisions of the Constitution and international conventions. Unlawful or abusive acts may trigger criminal or disciplinary sanctions. In conjunction with the code of ethics, the Government created a permanent commission within the MOAI to monitor compliance with the code.

The police reform and demilitarization process continued during the year. In September, the Government issued a decision that would continue reform of MOIA internal affairs and control structures by creating a new Anticorruption and Professional Standards Department within the Intelligence and Internal Protection Directorate. In September, Parliament adopted a law on the organization and operation of the judicial police, who handle all criminal investigations. The law established a new police structure with double subordination, administratively to the MOAI and operationally to prosecutors trying individual cases. In October 2003, the Statute of the Police Officers was amended by a government ordinance detailing disciplinary actions against police officers, including suspension from active duty during criminal investigations.

The Constitution provides that only judges may issue arrest and search warrants. A judge may order temporary detention for periods of 30 or 60 days, depending upon the status of the case. The court may extend these time periods; however, pretrial detention cannot exceed 180 days. Pretrial detention counts toward sentence time if a detainee is convicted. Courts and prosecutors may be liable for unjustifiable, illegal, or abusive measures. The law requires authorities to inform those arrested of the charges against them and their legal rights. Police must notify detainees of their rights in a language they understand before obtaining a statement. In general, the proper authorities issued arrest warrants. The law provides for a bail system; however, it was seldom used in practice, reportedly because those who requested release on bail did not meet the legal requirements. Detainees generally had access to counsel and their families.

The law allows police to take any person who endangers the public, other persons, or the social order and whose identity cannot be established to a police station. Police often used this provision to detain persons up to 24 hours. Minors who are at least 16 years of age are subject to arrest for all offenses; minors between the ages of 14 and 16 are subject to preventive arrest if shown to have full mental capacity, but only in cases involving serious felonies and exigent circumstances; minors under the age of 14 cannot be criminally prosecuted. Under the law, the Government is obligated to provide legal counsel to minors who are detained or arrested during a criminal investigation or trial. The confidentiality of discussions between detainees and their lawyers was generally respected in practice.

e. Denial of Fair Public Trial

The Constitution provides for an independent judiciary; however, members of the judiciary alleged that judges have been subject to political pressure.

In October 2003, the Constitution was amended to increase the role of the Superior Council of Magistrates (CSM) in selecting, promoting, transferring and disciplining "magistrates," a term that includes judges and prosecutors. The membership of the CSM was expanded from 17 to 19, and the Justice Minister was removed from the chairmanship of the council. At the end of September, three laws came into force that further implemented the amendments related to the judiciary by regulating the composition and role of the CSM, regulating magistrates' careers, and regulating the organization of the judiciary. These laws confirm the CSM's control over its members while retaining the Ministry of Justice's responsibility for administrative and budgetary matters.

In early December, elections for positions on the CSM were marred by accusations that some candidates pressured and intimidated their subordinates to vote in their favor. Other magistrates and civil society groups asked the Senate not to validate the results and to call for new elections. The Association of Romanian Magistrates filed an official complaint with the Senate regarding the appointment of the two civil society representatives, claiming they did not have the background, experience or moral stature to be credentialed members of the CSM, but rather received the nomination due to their loyalty to the then governing PSD party. The Senate had not acted on this matter by year's end.

The Government took some steps to fight corruption among officials, including members of the judiciary (see Section 3).

The law establishes a four-tier legal system, including appellate courts. Defendants have final recourse to the High Court of Cassation and Justice or, for constitutional matters, to the Constitutional Court. A prosecutor's office is associated with each court. The SCM nominates a candidate for General Prosecutor, whom the President appoints. The General Prosecutor is operationally independent from other members of the executive branch, including the Minister of Justice. The law permits the use of the native language of minorities in courts or with authorities.

The law provides for the investigation by civilian prosecutors of crimes by the National Police. Military prosecutors continue to try cases that involve "state security," and the Gendarmerie and Border Police continue to fall under military jurisdiction. Human rights NGOs noted that cases involving military personnel and the police continued to be tried by military courts. Military court investigations of police abuse were lengthy and not followed by further court actions. Local and international human rights groups have criticized the handling of cases by military courts, claiming that military prosecutors' investigations were unnecessarily lengthy and often inconclusive.

The law provides for the right to a fair trial; however, a widespread perception of judicial corruption remained. Trials are open to the public. The law does not provide for trial by jury. The Constitution provides for a right to counsel and a presumption of innocence until a final judgment by a court. The law requires that an attorney be appointed for defendants who cannot afford legal representation or are otherwise unable to select counsel; in practice, local bar associations provided attorneys to the indigent and were compensated by the Ministry of Justice. Both plaintiffs and defendants have a right of appeal. The law provides that confessions extracted as a result of police brutality may be withdrawn by the accused when brought before the court; the practice of extracting confessions through beating occurred occasionally in the past. There were no reported incidents of confessions resulting from police beatings during the year. The judicial system tended to be inefficient and slow.

There were no reports of political prisoners.

Restitution of church, communal, and individual property remained a serious problem marked by a cumbersome administrative process and slow return of property to owners. During the year, approximately 1,000 buildings, out of 128,000 claims, were restored to their former owners under the 2001 law that provides for the restitution of personal dwellings or buildings confiscated during the Communist regime. Approximately 15,000 properties have been returned since the law was enacted. Property restitution was particularly important for the Greek Catholic Church, which had all its properties, including churches, confiscated during the Communist regime. During the year, the Government took few steps to restore these properties, returning to the Church only 50 properties out of 2,207 claims under the 2002 law to restore confiscated church property. In the case of individual properties, the ECHR has ruled on 44 property restitution cases in favor of the former owners who either had been wronged in court or denied restitution on various grounds; one of these rulings occurred during the first half of the year. The Government generally respected ECHR rulings.

In March, Parliament adopted a law establishing guidelines for the restitution of properties confiscated from ethnic groups during the Communist regime. The Jewish community was expected to benefit both from religious and ethnic property restitution laws.

f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence

The Constitution prohibits illegal searches. During the year, constitutional amendments entered into force that shifted the responsibility for issuing search warrants from prosecutors to judges. Human rights organizations and jurists continued to study the potential impact of these amendments on investigations conducted for national security purposes. Previously, the law allowed security officials to enter residences without authorization from a prosecutor if they deemed a threat to national security to be imminent. Such actions were historically rare.

The Constitution protects the privacy of legal means of communication; however, the law permits the use of electronic interception in both criminal and national security cases. In January, the Criminal Procedural Code was amended to shift responsibility for authorizing electronic interceptions from prosecutors to judges and require electronic interceptions in criminal cases to be conducted under the direction of a prosecutor. Nevertheless, the equipment to conduct such interceptions remained under the control of the Internal Intelligence Service (SRI), to which prosecutors did not have direct access.

For practical purposes, the SRI physically conducted all electronic interceptions. Previously, the law allowed the SRI to monitor communications after obtaining authorization from the "public prosecutor specially appointed by the General Public Prosecutor" for activities involving national security threats. In November, a new law on terrorism was enacted that creates a special procedure for authorizing electronic interceptions in national security cases and cases involving terrorist acts. The government institutions with competence in the field of national security must forward a written request for authorization to the General Prosecutor. If the request is found justified, the General Prosecutor submits it to the president of the High Court of Cassation and Justice. The final decision is taken in chambers by a group of specially designated judges. The warrant cannot exceed 6 months, but it may be extended by 3 months several times in justified situations. Special judges designated by the president of the High Court of Cassation and Justice must also approve any extension.

In exceptional circumstances (when there is a clear and present danger to national security), government institutions may begin interception without a warrant issued by the judiciary. Following this, however, a request for authorization must be submitted within 48 hours. In practice, the SRI continued to operate under its prior legislative authority. The SRI may legally engage in surveillance, request official documents or information, and consult with technical experts to determine whether a situation constitutes a threat to national security or to prevent a crime.

The law permits persons who were citizens after 1945 access to secret police files kept by the Communist government. A council approved by Parliament reviewed files and released the information unless it involved state secrets or threatened national security. The files remained in intelligence service custody. Observers criticized the law for exempting files of current intelligence service employees from review and for restricting the definition of "informer" to an individual who received payment for services, making impossible the identification of individuals who collaborated with the Securitate for other reasons, such as personal advancement or ideological commitment. The release of files in 2003 was impeded by the inability of the lustration council to meet with a quorum of members. The consistent absence of PSD and PRM members gave rise to speculation that neither of these parties desired to see progress in the release of files. During the year, the council's activity was slow and ineffective, in large part due to the inconsistent attendance by PSD and PRM members.

Under the law, foreign citizens of certain states, primarily less developed countries, must report their presence to police if they stay in private accommodations for 10 days or longer.

Romani NGOs monitored several cases of eviction of Roma living illegally on public land in Buzau, Galati, and Tulcea counties. In these counties, local authorities forced Roma found living illegally to relocate to their home counties. Romani activists disputed the legal grounds for these actions but did not pursue a legal remedy. There was also no action taken on the 2003 eviction of several dozen Roma living illegally on the outskirts of Bucharest's Militari district.

Section 2 Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:

a. Freedom of Speech and Press

The Constitution provides for freedom of speech and of the press, and the Government generally respected these rights in practice; however, certain legal prohibitions against "defamation of the country" and "offense to authority" potentially limited these rights. Romanian Public Television (RTV)--composed of four national stations--reportedly maintained internal rules that prohibited its journalists from speaking freely about political pressure and censorship. Print media also reported that job contracts at some private television stations also prohibited journalists from speaking freely about political pressures in news reporting or commentary. Journalists continued to be sentenced by courts for their articles and opinions. Investigations of violence and threats against journalists moved slowly.

Journalists and private citizens could generally criticize the government authorities, including those at senior levels, but there were a number of cases of local authorities intimidating their critics rather than responding to serious issues in substance. In addition, many media outlets--electronic and print--reportedly had substantial tax arrears. Media watchdogs alleged that fear of government audits and punitive tax actions to collect these arrears inhibited negative coverage of leading government figures.

Watchdog groups also expressed concern that the Government could exert pressure on the media through the advertising fees paid by state-owned companies. Representatives of NGOs such as the Center for Independent Journalism (CIJ) and Media Monitoring Agency (MMA) said that, by directing public funds toward certain media outlets, the Government could effectively control the content of media reports. The CIJ requested the former PSD Government to provide information about such fees and contracts by ministries or state-owned agencies for advertising in specific media outlets, as they involved public money. When the Government did not provide the information, the CIJ sued it with the support of lawyers provided by the Romanian Helsinki Committee. On October 25, the Bucharest Appellate Court ordered the Government to provide the CIJ information about advertising contracts; however, the Government had not produced the information by the year's end.

Independent media grew in an increasingly competitive market. Several hundred daily and weekly newspapers were published. Foreign news publications may be imported and distributed freely, but high prices limited their circulation. Several private television stations broadcast nationwide, and there were numerous other private local television and radio stations. More than four million households had cable television, giving significant portions of the population access to private and foreign broadcasts. State Television (RTV), state-owned Radio Romania (SRR), and the Europa FM radio network remained the only national broadcasters able to reach the majority of the rural population. Independent stations continued to enlarge their coverage by over-the-air, cable, and satellite transmissions.

Television remained the most widely available source of information, with almost 80 percent of the population obtaining their information from television newscasts. In the spring, the CNA released a report showing that 92 percent of the population watched television, almost 70 percent of them every day, for a daily average time of almost 4 hours. Approximately 95 percent of viewers watched the main newscasts on almost a daily basis. The report also showed that 66 percent of the adult population listened to radio and that over 90 percent of households had at least one television set.

The print and electronic media generally reflected the political views of their owners and covered a wide range of the political spectrum. Private television stations tended to avoid direct criticism of the PSD Government and the former ruling party, particularly on corruption or other controversial issues. Media monitoring reports suggested that this reluctance was due to owners' fears that the Government would retaliate by seeking back taxes or auditing stations. Media NGOs such as the MMA and CIJ reported that primetime newscasts of the main national television and radio networks were generally biased in the former governing party's favor. MMA reports showed that the electronic media's flagship daily newscasts most heavily covered the ruling PSD and its president Adrian Nastase, who at the time was also Prime Minister, and almost always portrayed them in a positive context. This was particularly notable during the presidential and parliamentary campaigns. A MMA report showed that, in most television and radio prime time news from October 21 to November 3, the PSD presidential candidate was most frequently associated with acts deemed positive, while the opposition candidate was generally associated with acts deemed negative. NGOs also reported that broadcast media substantially failed to cover allegations of fraud in the November 28 parliamentary and first round of presidential elections.

In March, the CNA prohibited a radio spot by the Bucharest daily newspaper Evenimentul Zilei that referred to acts of corruption involving then ruling PSD political figures featured in the newspaper's articles. The council asserted that the spot represented indirect political campaigning. Evenimentul Zilei asserted that the ban was a form of censorship exerted by the PSD through the council.

During the local election campaign, on June 6, the PSD filed a complaint against a private radio network, Radio Total, for a critical statement made by an NGO representative who was a guest on an election day program regarding the situation in her Bucharest neighborhood. Although the guest did not mention the name of the PSD mayor of the city sector, the ruling party considered the statement "a negative campaign for their candidate" on election day, when campaigning and other politically motivated activities were not legally permitted. The CNA fined the station. Two plainclothes police officers visited the station, stating they had come to "personally" deliver the PSD's complaint and speak with the reporter who interviewed the NGO representative. Evenimentul Zilei reported that it had similar experiences with police authorities.

Parliamentarians and their political allies purchased numerous independent media outlets in the provinces. In the spring, the respected financial magazine Capital published research indicating that politicians from the then governing PSD owned and controlled half of local television stations, either directly or through alleged intermediaries. The research commented that the only way a small local television station could survive was to reflect the political orientation of its owner, which enabled it to attract more advertising revenue to help deal with its financial problems. The research quoted sources as saying that local businesspeople in many regions were afraid to advertise in independent media outlets because they could suffer retaliation by financial authorities as the result of PSD pressure. Several British Broadcasting Company (BBC) affiliate stations, subsequent to their purchase, cut off BBC Romanian Service news programs, allegedly due to PSD pressure. Media watchdog groups warned numerous times about the lack of independence in many local media outlets, mostly due to financial constraints and pressure from local authorities.

During the year, threats and physical violence against journalists continued. There were reports of harassment, intimidation, various forms of pressure, and violence against journalists who were perceived as overly critical of national and local authorities. Some of this pressure allegedly occurred with at least tacit support of government and party officials. According to a MMA survey released in November, 60 percent of journalists polled reported having been pressured at some point by authorities to stop investigative reporting or to refrain from publishing the results.

The media reported several instances in which journalists from local newspapers received threatening telephone calls or had their finances subjected to scrutiny by local officials after they revealed alleged illegalities committed by local officials, such as their building luxurious villas or participating in businesses or activities that were subject to conflict of interest legislation.

In addition, the media reported cases of journalists who were videotaping various events, including arrests or investigations, being assaulted by local authorities or by relatives or acquaintances of the persons being filmed. Such incidents occurred in public places, including court buildings; the media reported that gendarmes and police frequently did not intervene. Some journalists in the provinces continued to face verbal harassment and even violent treatment from local authorities.

The MMA reported that in February, Hungarian-based journalist Zsolt Bayer, from the Hungarian publication Magyar Nemzet, was prevented from entering the country by border authorities. The authorities refused to state the reason for their actions, although Bayer was well known for his reporting in support of regional autonomy for ethnic Hungarians living in the country.

In March, magistrate Filip Victoria physically attacked Emil Soldan, a journalist from Orizont newspaper in Pascani, at the local city hall while Soldan was taking photos. Soldan had previously written several critical articles about the judge, accusing him of making personal profit from his position.

Also in March, Catalin Stefanescu, a reporter for Ziarul de Iasi, received death threats over the telephone after he reported on alleged illegal hunting in which the then mayor of Movileni locality was involved. A police investigation reportedly showed that the calls came from the mayor's house.

In June, the media reported that, in Targu Ocna, Mayor Stefan Silochi punched a female journalist, Mariuca Bobosa of the local daily Ziarul de Bacau, while she was filming a political rally from her car. Bobosa reported the incident to the police and also filed several court cases against the mayor; authorities were still investigating the case at year's end. Another journalist, Luminita Patrateanu from the daily Monitorul de Bacau, reported that Mayor Silochi had threatened her as well and said he "would kill all journalists" who write critical reports about him.

The media reported that, in June, the former mayor of the city of Bacau had a phone conversation with Sebi Sufariu, of the local newspaper Gazeta de Bacau, in which he threatened the journalist with death. The former Bacau mayor accused the media of being responsible for his election defeat. The newspaper filed a complaint against the former mayor. Similarly, in Vrancea County, daily Ziarul de Vrancea allegedly received repeated pressure and threats from local officials throughout the year, including from the president of the county council.

Journalists and media watchdog groups repeatedly expressed concern that publications printing investigative reporting against the PSD-led government faced direct or indirect pressure to curtail this reporting or change editorial views. In September, 55 journalists from the national daily Evenimentul Zilei signed a public letter protesting editorial pressures from the Swiss owner company Ringier, which was accused of being pressed by the PSD to soften the newspaper's antigovernment tone. Among many other allegations, Evenimentul Zilei reporters asserted that information on an investigation into a business run by the sister of the then prime minister was taken from their computers and printed in another daily published by Ringier, the tabloid Libertatea. The Libertatea article printed only the point of view of the prime minister's sister.

Some Evenimentul Zilei reporters alleged they had been harassed and threatened, particularly during the parliamentary and presidential campaign. In December, a secret services officer allegedly told a reporter that Evenimentul Zilei journalists should tone down their reports, otherwise their lives would "be put in danger." He reportedly said that the journalists might be beaten on the street when they left their offices and the attack could be disguised as a robbery.

In September, reporters of the national daily Romania Libera similarly initiated a protest against the German owner of the newspaper WAZ. The reporters and the daily's editorial board accused WAZ of attempting to change the newspaper's reporting and editorial tone due to Government pressure.

In October, investigative journalist Cornel Ivanciuc of the Academia Catavencu weekly alleged that he had been indirectly threatened by then Defense Minister Ioan Mircea Pascu. A former Romanian ambassador reportedly told Ivanciuc that Pascu wanted him to "calm down" and "mind his own business" with regard to an investigative report he was researching on a classified document held by the Ministry of Defense. Ivanciuc claimed the ambassador recounted elements of a private telephone discussion with a source about the document, leading Ivanciuc to believe his conversations had been intercepted and taped.

In October, the Senate withdrew the accreditation of the national daily Romania Libera for covering its activities. Romania Libera had printed an article alleging that the PSD general secretary of the Senate promoted employees in exchange for sexual favors. The Senate also asked Romania Libera to apologize publicly for the article. Following pressure from other media outlets, key civil society and legal figures, the Senate restored Romania Libera's accreditation.

In early December, RTV-1 news reporter Alexandru Costache, backed by several of his colleagues, denounced what he called government-pressured censorship and manipulation in an open letter to Evenimentul Zilei, accusing the station of deliberate and biased coverage in favor of the ruling PSD party during the Romanian presidential campaign runoff elections. The day after the letter was published, the station manager threatened Costache and his colleagues with arrest, prompting media NGOs such as MMA and Reporters Without Borders to offer the journalists legal protection and judicial assistance. The station reportedly responded by initiating internal ethics investigations into the journalists' actions.

During the year, there was no progress in several investigations into violence against journalists that occurred in 2003. Authorities failed to find the assailants in a case involving a journalist in Timisoara, who was severely beaten in December 2003. The reporter, who worked for the Timisoara bureau of the influential national daily Evenimentul Zilei, had frequently criticized ruling PSD party officials and their business activities in Timis County. The victim sued the police. Local officials were critical of law enforcement authorities for their lack of progress in the investigation.

Investigators also failed to identify the persons who beat two journalists from Romania Libera and Evenimentul Zilei in July 2003. The journalists had written numerous reports on alleged illegal activities of local authorities and miners' leaders in the region.

In April, authorities arrested several persons in the case of Szoltan Csondy, a journalist in Miercurea Ciuc working for the Hungarian-language paper, Hargita Nepe. Attackers in the hall of his apartment building had seriously injured him in December 2003. The journalist was known for his investigations into the city's underworld, in particular the activities of a local businessman, Istvan Csibi. Authorities arrested Csibi, who was linked to other crimes including attempted murder, robbery, and assault, and several of his accomplices; at year's end, there were more than a dozen court cases underway against Csibi.

During the year, the newspaper Gazeta de Sud appealed court-awarded damages of approximately $18,000 (600 million lei) to a past prefect of Olt County, Marin Diaconescu, for its reporting on the prefect. The General Prosecutor's Office rejected the appeal.

Laws restricting freedom of speech continued to cause concern among the media and NGOs. The offense of insulting authorities can be punished with a fine. In addition, the Government can punish libel with a prison term of 2 to 24 months, which can be increased to 3 to 36 months if the libel was directed at public officials. In addition, Article 168 of the Penal Code provides criminal penalties for spreading false information aimed at attacking national security. In June, Parliament adopted a new Penal Code which lowered the punishment for libel to 10 to 120 "days-fine," meaning a sentence is given as a number of days and the person receiving the sentence must pay a fine of between $3.30 and $33 (100,000 and 1,000,000 lei) for each day. The new Penal Code is scheduled to take effect in June 2005.

There were increased allegations of progovernment bias and self-censorship inside the state-owned Radio Romania (SRR). In April, a group of SRR news reporters made accusations regarding what they called sophisticated censorship in the newsroom. Cerasela Radulescu, one of the protesters, and members of opposition political parties charged that critical statements about former prime minister Adrian Nastase and other PSD officials were often edited out of the stories airing in the main newscasts and moved to other, less watched newscasts. In early December, Radulescu spoke publicly about her case, stating that the situation inside SRR has not changed significantly and that she had to move to another department because of management pressure and impediments to her work.

In March, a producer working for the local station of the state-owned RTV network in Timisoara alleged that network management had dismissed him in order to limit the material on the air.

During the year, a local court in Gorj County rejected a suit that a former editor and producer at the RCS television station brought against the station for failing to take action against RCS management's alleged censorship policies. The editor/producer left her job in March 2003 after her show was cut off in midbroadcast while she was discussing corruption scandals involving local leaders. In November, a Craiova Court decided that it was indeed a case of censorship and not a technical problem as management insisted. The Court ordered the CNA to sanction the television station.

The Government did not restrict access to the Internet or academic freedom; however, media reported that some sites with anti-PSD content, or that included embarrassing private transcripts from PSD meetings on governmental issues, were attacked or shut down.

b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association

The Constitution provides for freedom of assembly, and the Government generally respected this right in practice. The law provides for unarmed citizens to assemble peacefully, but states that meetings must not interfere with other economic or social activities and may not be held near locations such as hospitals, airports, or military installations. Permits are not required to assemble in some public places. However, when required, demonstration organizers must apply for a permit in advance. Authorities may prohibit a public gathering by notifying the organizers in writing within 48 hours of receipt of a permit request. The law prohibits counterdemonstrations that coincide with scheduled public gatherings. The law prohibits fascist, Communist, racist, or xenophobic symbols (such as statues of war criminals on public land), ideologies, or organizations. Participants in unauthorized demonstrations may be fined.

The Constitution provides for freedom of association, and the Government generally respected this right in practice. Political parties are required to have at least 25,000 members to have legal status, a number that some NGOs have criticized as being inordinately high.

c. Freedom of Religion

The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the Government generally respected this right in practice; however, there were some restrictions, and several minority religious groups continued to claim credibly that government officials and Romanian Orthodox clergy impeded their proselytizing and interfered with other religious activities.

The Government requires religious groups to register. However, there is no clear registration procedure. The lack of specific registration requirements made it almost impossible for groups to receive religious status under the law.

The Government gives official religious status to 17 religions. Only these recognized religions are eligible to receive state financial support. Recognized religions have the right to establish schools, receive state funds to build churches, pay clergy salaries, subsidize clergy housing, broadcast religious programs on radio and television, apply for broadcasting licenses for denominational frequencies, and enjoy tax-exempt status. The Government also registered religious groups as either religious and charitable foundations or as nonprofit cultural associations.

The law provides for peaceful religious assembly; however, several minority religious groups again complained that, on various occasions, local authorities and Orthodox priests prevented religious activities from taking place, even when their organizers had been issued permits. The Evangelical Alliance continued to report difficulties obtaining approval to use public halls for religious activities following pressure by Orthodox priests. In some cases, Orthodox priests incited the local population against activities by the Seventh-day Adventist Church, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, and members of Jehovah's Witnesses. The press reported several instances of Romanian Orthodox clergy harassing members of other faiths, such as pressuring non-Orthodox school children to attend Orthodox religion classes or not allowing members of religious groups to proselytize near Orthodox churches.

Government building permit regulations equally allow recognized and unrecognized religious groups to build places of worship. Although most minority religious groups declared that they had received permits to build places of worship without difficulty, some continued to complain that permits were unduly delayed.

Several religious groups made credible complaints that, in some instances, local police and administrative authorities tacitly supported sometimes violent societal campaigns against proselytizing. In some localities, legal proselytizing was perceived as being directed at adherents of established churches, and conflicts occurred. Members of Jehovah's Witnesses and the Seventh-day Adventist Church continued to report such cases.

Religions with the highest concentration in a locality have the right to teach religion in public schools; however, a number of religious groups, including the Greek Catholic Church, the Baptist Church, Jehovah's Witnesses, and the Seventh-day Adventist Church, reported that they had been unable to hold classes because of the Orthodox clergy's influence. Additionally, the Seventh-day Adventist Church and Jehovah's Witnesses reported cases of children who were pressured to attend Orthodox religion classes.

A 2002 law provides for the restitution of large numbers of religious properties, but not places of worship. Pursuant to this law, religious groups submitted 7,568 property restitution claims by March 2003. Religious minorities frequently did not succeed in regaining possession of these properties, because many housed state offices, schools, hospitals, or cultural institutions that would require relocation, and lawsuits and protests by occupants delayed their physical return. A national commission began operation in June 2003 to consider restitution on a case-by-case basis. This process of systematic religious property restitution resulted in the return of 574 buildings since June 2003.

The Greek Catholic, or Uniate, Church made only limited progress in recovering properties taken by the Romanian Orthodox Church after their forced merger in 1948. The exclusion of places of worship from the 2002 restitution law primarily affected Greek Catholics; the Communists generally did not seize churches of other faiths. Authorities have returned only a handful of the approximately 2,600 Greek Catholic churches and monasteries taken. Apparently to avoid restitution, the Orthodox Church demolished many Greek Catholic churches under various pretexts, such as being structurally unsafe. A Greek Catholic-Orthodox commission continued to make little progress in resolving the restitution of the Greek Catholic churches from the Orthodox Church. Many courts refused to rule on restitution of Greek Catholic churches because of a 1990 decree mandating that dialogue between the two churches resolve the issue. In August, the Government issued a decree permitting the Greek Catholic Church to resort to court action whenever the bilateral dialogue fails; the Orthodox Church had urged the Greek Catholic Church to choose between dialogue and court action earlier in the year.

The historical Hungarian churches, including the Hungarian Roman Catholic and the Hungarian Protestant Reformed, Evangelical, and Unitarian churches, received only a small number of their properties back. Government decrees ordered the return of 33 buildings out of 1,630 buildings confiscated from those denominations, but they were able to take actual possession of only approximately 20. The 2002 law restituting church property returned 340 buildings to the Hungarian churches. The Jewish community received 42 buildings by government decree, but has obtained full or partial possession of only 29. The community also received back 48 additional buildings since June 2003 under the law on religious property.

In March, unidentified persons broke into a synagogue in Bacau and broke its windows. In August, Nazi and anti-Semitic signs were found on the inside of the walls of the Jewish cemetery in Sarmasu, Mures County. Authorities have not identified the perpetrators in either of these cases. There were no developments in the 2000-2003 desecrations of Jewish synagogues and cemeteries.

The extremist press continued to publish anti-Semitic articles. The Legionnaires (Iron Guard), an extreme nationalist, anti-Semitic, pro-Nazi group, continued to republish inflammatory books from the interwar period. In March, a private television station broadcast a talk show on "Gypsies, Jews, and Legionnaires," which voiced xenophobic, anti-Semitic, and racist views. The station owners did not respond to a protest sent by the Jewish Communities Federation.

Extremists made repeated attempts to deny that Holocaust activities occurred in the country or in Romanian-administered territory. Religious services (services for the dead) for legionnaire leaders continued to be held in individual Orthodox churches.

In June 2003, the Government denied the occurrence of the Holocaust within the country's World War II borders in a communique but subsequently retracted the statement and assumed responsibility for the World War II pro-Nazi regime's crimes against Jews. Although government spokesmen claimed that someone not authorized to do so had inserted the phrase containing the denial, the person responsible was neither identified nor reprimanded. In July 2003, in an interview with an Israeli newspaper, then President Iliescu appeared to minimize the Holocaust by claiming that suffering and persecution was not unique to the Jewish population in Europe. He later said that his interview had been presented in an incomplete and selective way.

In September 2003, the Government released a teaching manual for schools that dealt with Holocaust denial and provided figures for the number of Jews killed, details about concentration camps, death chambers, and the persecution of Roma, homosexuals and Jehovah's Witnesses. However, education on the country's role in the Holocaust was still limited and lacked a unified approach. In October 2003, the Government established an International Committee on the Holocaust in Romania to analyze and to improve public understanding of Holocaust events in the country. In November, the Committee, chaired by Nobel Prize Laureate Elie Wiesel and given full access to archives and other documents, submitted a report on its findings that detailed the history of the Holocaust in the country as well as the commission's conclusions and recommendations on how the Government could foster Holocaust awareness, remembrance, research and education. In May, the Government established an annual Holocaust Remembrance Day on October 9, a date selected to mark the Antonescu regime's initial order for the deportation of thousands of victims from Bassarabia and Bukovina to Transnistria in 1941.

The New Right (Noua Dreapta) organization (a small extremist group with nationalistic, xenophobic views) continued to harass verbally, and sometimes physically, members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in Bucharest and Iasi. Many representatives of minority religions credibly complained that private and governmental organizations operating hospitals, children's homes, and shelters for the elderly often permitted only Orthodox priests to provide religious assistance in them. Charitable activities by minority churches in children's homes and shelters often were interpreted as proselytizing. Orthodox priests reportedly denied permission to the Greek Catholic and the Seventh-day Adventist churches to bury members in several rural localities; it was not clear whether church or public cemeteries were involved.

In July, authorities charged an individual with dual Romanian and French citizenship with distributing nationalist-chauvinistic and fascist propaganda; the trial was in progress at the year's end.

In July 2003, a Brasov resident was given a suspended 2½-year sentence for nationalist-chauvinistic and fascist propaganda.

In December, then President Iliescu awarded the Star of Romania, the highest honor awarded by the state, to a politician known for his anti-Semitic and xenophobic views and to a historian noted for denying the participation of the World War II Romanian government in the Holocaust. The actions prompted protests in the media and from international human rights and Jewish community leaders.

For a more detailed discussion, see the 2004 International Religious Freedom Report.

d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign
Travel, Emigration, and Repatriation

The law provides for these rights, and the Government generally respected them in practice. The law prohibits forced exile, and the Government did not employ it.

The law provides for the granting of asylum or refugee status in accordance with the 1951 U.N. Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees or its 1967 Protocol, and the Government has established a system for providing protection to refugees. In March, the Parliament approved amendments to bring the law on refugees in line with the 1951 Geneva Convention, although the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) criticized the brevity of deadlines for court rulings and the appeal process in the amendments. In April, the Government drafted, with the support of the UNHCR and other organizations, a National Strategy on Migration, which outlined the main principles underlying its policy toward refugees. The Government also adopted legislation on integration of refugees in May and on the protection of refugee children in June. The former entitles refugees who are granted a form of protection in the country to employment, accommodation, medical care, social assistance, education, counseling, and Romanian language courses.

A 2003 law forbids expelling foreigners to a country where their lives may be in jeopardy. The law establishes a National Refugee Office (ONR) in the MOAI to receive, process, and house asylum seekers. A Refugee Integration Department was set up within the ONR. The Government reorganized the former Directorate for Foreigners and Migration Issues, which was subordinated to a directorate in the MOAI, under the Alien Authority, which reports directly to the Minister.

In practice, the Government provided protection against refoulement, the return of persons to a country where they feared persecution. During the first 7 months of the year, the ONR received 303 applications for asylum and 92 reapplications. Most of the applicants came from Iraq (91), China (60), and India (49). During the same period, 54 applications were approved.

The Government also provided temporary protection to individuals who did not qualify as asylees or refugees; however, there were reports that the Government denied some applications for refugee status without grounds. According to local NGOs, some individuals who were credible refugees were denied refugee status due to corruption in some agencies and changes in the refugee law that did not apply retroactively. For example, authorities denied the application for refugee status of three Sudanese Christian refugees who entered the country in 2001 on the grounds that they did not meet the criteria for such status. NGOs reported that these grounds for denial appeared to be baseless and that the three Sudanese would face persecution if returned. The ONR later denied the refugees' requests for access to a new procedure on two different applications. Authorities allowed them to stay in the country in a "tolerated status," which denies them access to social assistance and t